
On Sunday, 31 August, various far-right nationalist groups ranging from conspiracy theorists and “sovereign citizens” to the openly neo-Nazi National Socialist Network (NSN) staged coordinated rallies across Australia under the banner of March for Australia. Rallying around a central demand of ending “mass immigration”, the size of these demonstrations caught much of the left unprepared. Organisers had claimed they could mobilise tens of thousands in response to the mass Palestine solidarity demonstrations, and they succeeded.
Counter-protests were chaotic, small and unable to seriously disrupt the far right’s momentum. This raises urgent questions. Where did the success of March for Australia come from? What does the far right look like in Australia today, and how does it mobilise? And most importantly, how should we prepare to confront them in the future?
Nazis, Cookers and the basis of a frustrated Right
The rallies were not spontaneous. They were carefully launched by white nationalists through a slick social media campaign, a dedicated website, and heavy promotion in community groups. The mainstream press amplified it further. Bob Katter and Pauline Hanson gave endorsements, numerous mainstream radio stations and newspapers ran opinion pieces and interviews, further bolstering March for Australia’s reach
The far-right spectrum today stretches from the Libertarian Party and “sovereign citizens” through to conspiracy groups and hardened neo-Nazis. Among these, the NSN proved most capable of using this milieu of resentment to build a street mobilisation.
Increasing economic difficulty has squeezed the various social classes in Australia in different ways. Small business owners feel pinched by supply problems, labour shortages, inflation, and what they perceive as hostile industrial and tax reform. Workers and the unemployed in turn have suffered their own share of setbacks. Despite nominal increases, real wages in Australia have fallen sharply since 2021. Higher living costs, especially groceries, utilities and housing, are driving much of the anger.
Many March for Australia attendees told the media that concerns around the price of houses was behind their reason for attendance. Though this is clearly a veil for some to hide their racism, there is undoubtedly a grain of truth behind it for others.
Which makes it more ironic that a key figure in promoting March for Australia was Hugo Lennon, or ‘Auspill’, the online celebrity son of a massive property developer in Australia. His family profit from and exploit the Australian housing market to the tune of $800 million, yet try to pin the blame for working class Australians’ housing woes on migrants. It’s a trick as old as time, and sections of Australia’s ruling class are still adept at turning economic frustration to their advantage. All this has paved the way for populist and nationalist politics.
August 31st gave this seedy, growing underbelly of hate and conspiracy an excuse to mobilise on the streets in a way they haven’t since anti-lockdown protests. Globally, far-right movements have surged. Trump in the US, Milei in Argentina and Netanyahus in Israel leading an unchecked genocide in Palestine. Australian fascists see themselves as part...

Βαγγέλης Μάντζαρης
https://doi.org/10.12681/grsr.242
Παρότι τα τελευταία χρόνια η ελληνική ιστοριογραφία εμπλουτίστηκε από καινούργιες θεωρητικές και εμπειρικές μελέτες για το εργατικό κίνημα και τις πολιτικές και κοινωνικές διαστάσεις του, 1 πολύ ελάχιστη -αν όχι ανύπαρκτη- είναι η έρευνα πάνω στην ιστορία και πρακτική των Ελλήνων εργατών και των οργανώσεών τους στις χώρες μετανάστευσης. Είναι άγνωστο, για παράδειγμα, ότι ένας μεγάλος αριθμός Ελλήνων γουναράδων στην Αμερική αποτελούσε «παράρτημα» του Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος των ΗΠΑ 2 ή ότι οι Έλληνες αποτελούσαν το κυριότερο εργατικό στρώμα σε χώρες σαν την Αίγυπτο κατά την περίοδο 1860 - 80 3 και το Σουδάν στις αρχές του 20ού...

Το διαβάσαμε κι αυτό, μέσα στον παραλογισμό των τελευταίων ημερών: Όποιος, λέει, εύχεται την διάλυση του Κράτους του Ισραήλ χωρίς την ταυτόχρονη διάλυση των άλλων κρατών, είναι αντισημίτης.
Ας (ξανά) ξεκαθαρίσουμε κάποια πράγματα ενάντια στην φιλοσιωνιστική προπαγάνδα που ορίζει το μίσος για το φασιστικό και γενοκτονικό Κράτος του Ισραήλ ως μίσος για τους Εβραίους.
Το Κράτος του Ισραήλ δεν είναι ταυτόσημο με τον Εβραϊσμό. Είναι κατά πολύ μεταγενέστερο του Εβραϊσμού και δεν εκφράζει τις αξίες του, θρησκευτικές ή πολιτισμικές. Με ξεκάθαρα "θρησκευτικούς" όρους το Κράτος του Ισραήλ δεν θα έπρεπε να υπάρχει. Με κοινωνικούς και πολιτικούς όρους, εκφράζει...
Στο κτήριο της Ελληνικής κοινότητας της Μελβούρνης στις 18/07/2019
Με τον Ελευθεριακό στο Αυτοδιαχειριζόμενο Στέκι Πέρασμα, 22/01/2018

